thedecline

War With No End

Why the Iran War Won't End Soon

A reading of the depleted-stockpile, drained-reserve, closed-strait argument that this is no longer a war Washington can simply decide to win — and why that leaves the whole region primed for the next spark.

Source: The Chris Hedges Report Guest: Alastair Crook, former UK diplomat & Mideast security adviser Runtime: 54-minute interview


1. The Arsenal Problem

The interview opens with an inventory of what the war has already cost — and argues that even this scale of expenditure has barely dented Iran's missile capability. Figures below are as cited in the discussion.

System Used Stockpile Notes
Tomahawk ~1,000 ~3,000 Sea-launched cruise missile
JASSM ~1,100 ~4,000 Air-launched long-range
PrSM 40–70 ~90 Ground-launched, near-exhausted
SM-3 ~250 ~410 Ship-launched, $28M each
SM-6 190–370 ~1,160 Anti-air / anti-cruise
THAAD ~290 ~360 Anti-ballistic interceptor
Patriot 1,160–1,430 ~2,300 Layered air defense

Also cited: the US strategic petroleum reserve is at its lowest level since 1983 — roughly 43 days of crude supply.

"What is quite remarkable is how little that has achieved. It has not degraded Iran's missile capability to any great extent." — Alastair Crook, on the depletion of US stockpiles

Crook's explanation is Iran's dispersed "mosaic" system — missiles, production, and leadership buried and decentralized rather than concentrated targets — which he says has quietly ended the West's post-1945 assumption of uncontested airspace and unlimited strike freedom. Iran, he argues, now holds something like missile dominance over the Gulf even without an air force, simply because the US has not achieved the air dominance it expected to.


2. The Chokepoint

According to the interview, Tehran has no intention of reopening the Strait of Hormuz to unrestricted traffic. Instead, a parliamentary committee is weighing a framework that would formalize Iranian — and jointly, Omani — control over who passes and what it costs.

  • Southern corridor (Omani coast): mined and effectively closed — a tanker was struck and turned back attempting to use it.
  • Northern corridor (IRGC control): open, but limited — vetted vessels only, with few Chinese-flagged passages getting through.
  • Proposed terms: a roughly 7% transit fee, plus a 20% fine for vessels that don't comply.

Any new rules would take effect only after a ceasefire, a lifted blockade, and sanctions relief on Iranian oil exports. Crook frames Iran's position as leverage, not diplomacy: with Hormuz-controlled fees estimated near $100 billion a year, Tehran calculates it can finance a long war largely on the back of the strait it now effectively administers.

"The crisis is in diesel and in kerosene." — on why the shortage is in the middle distillates Hormuz supplies (not the light crude the US produces domestically), meaning it bites hardest exactly where sustained air operations need fuel.


3. The Trust Problem

The interview traces a repeating cycle: apocalyptic ultimatums followed, hours later, by climbdown. An April 7th threat that "a whole civilization will die tonight" unless Hormuz opened was walked back within two hours into a two-week ceasefire announcement.

Crook argues Iran's leadership now treats US commitments — including the earlier memorandum of understanding meant to reopen Hormuz quickly — as a deliberate deceit rather than a real basis for negotiation, since it was signed, in his telling, without intent to honor it.

Domestically, the account ties this to Trump's own political constraints: weak poll numbers heading into the midterms, a bond market under strain, and a Japanese yen crisis entangled with $1.2 trillion in US Treasury holdings — all pushing the administration toward any deal it can present as a win, even an interim one.

Crook's read is blunt: reality and defeat "may be facts, but they're not necessarily facts Trump will acknowledge" — comparing the posture to a Roman emperor staging a triumph after being routed in Gaul.


4. Regional Spillover — Not One War, a Matrix of Wars

Crook's central argument for why this won't resolve quickly: pressure applied in one theater has fragmented into separate, self-sustaining conflicts across the region, each with its own actors and grievances.

Yemen ↔ Saudi Arabia — a hot war again Houthi forces have reportedly routed Saudi-backed mercenaries and struck a major Red Sea–linked refinery and pipeline. Saudi oil exports through the Red Sea are described as down to zero.

Iraq — the Hashd mobilizing Described as Iraqi nationalists, not simply Iranian proxies, angered by the death of their religious authority and weighing retribution — while Iran moves against Kurdish forces to preempt a revived plan for a Kurdish foothold.

Lebanon & Syria — disarmament flashpoint Pressure to involve Syrian forces in disarming Hezbollah, or in pressuring border villages, has drawn threats from Iraqi resistance factions to open a front against Syria in response.

West Bank / Gaza — the "black swan" Crook flags Israel's messianic-right figures as openly seeking a large West Bank crisis to force a Palestinian exodus ahead of an October election — a trigger he says could pull Iran directly into confrontation with Israel.

"There's no clean binary deal available to Washington... the possibility of Washington coming to a comprehensive solution now seems to me close to zero." — Alastair Crook


5. Why It Matters

Asymmetric vulnerability, not just asymmetric power. Iran's infrastructure has been deliberately dispersed for two decades; Israel's is concentrated around two refineries. The interview argues this makes any push to "destroy Iran's ability to function" a strategy that invites a comparably severe response — including against Gulf desalination plants that Saudi Arabia and the UAE depend on for the large majority of their water.

A currency and credit system with skin in the game. Crook connects the war directly to preserving petrodollar hegemony and the credit structure that funds US military presence abroad — arguing Iran's challenge to Gulf financial infrastructure, including regional data centers, is read in Tehran as a deliberate threat to that system.

Escalation no longer needs a decision — it needs a mistake. With proactive Iranian strikes continuing during active talks, and incidents like a Ukrainian strike on an Iranian vessel in the Caspian cited as a possible accelerant, the interview's throughline is that the region is now dense enough with independent flashpoints that any single miscalculation could cascade.

Iran's own calculus has hardened, not softened. Mass funeral gatherings are described as expressions of a demand for revenge, not compromise — reframed, in Crook's account, around a longer memory of Iran as a regional civilizational power that expects, and has prepared for, a prolonged confrontation with both the US and Israel.


This post summarizes claims and analysis presented by Alastair Crook in an interview on The Chris Hedges Report. Figures on munitions stockpiles, strait logistics, and regional developments are as stated in that conversation and reflect the guest's sourcing and interpretation — they have not been independently verified here. Support the original reporting at chrishedges.substack.com.